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Tuesday, July 3, 2012

Back To The Days of Censorship


Satanic Verses
Man is born free, but is everywhere in chains. This is the opening sentence of Jean Jacques Roussou’s famous book: ‘The Social Contract’. The book centres on the fact that the relationship between the person who governs and those bring governed is like a social contract by which those in power have to rule following the wishes of the citizens.
Paul Biya won the applause of Cameroonians soon after he was handed power on a platter of gold by Amadou Ahidjo. It was not just because Cameroonians like all other creatures cherish newness; it was because Biya promised them greater freedom than Ahidjo did. Freedom of speech and of the press is the most cherished forms of freedom recommended by the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. The 1990 Liberty Laws guaranteed Cameroonians this. But despite the liberal nature of these laws censorship was a common practice in Cameroon in the days of multiparty politics. Article 13 of the law on newspaper publication, which Bishop Ateba Joseph of the National Communication council is trying to revive, gave the administration and legal authorities the right to check what the regime in place considered excesses. To do this, newspaper publishers had to deposit their dummies with the administration which okayed them before publication. If the administrative official was not satisfied with the content, especially the front page of the newspaper, he put a cross or wiped off the portions that were unpalatable to him.
The result was that some newspapers appeared with the front pages partially defaced. Blank spaces were also found inside the pages, where supposedly anti-government material had appeared. Not only did Cameroonians, the international community cried foul and the regime was reduced to the necessity of shifting the responsibility of controlling press publications to the law courts.

Criminalization of Libel
To achieve its goal of checking press publications libel was criminalized. Meaning that a publisher would not only page huge sums for libelous or defamatory article(s) found in his newspaper, but also go to jail for at least six months. It was following this law that Late Pius Njawe was always moving in an out of jail. The head office of his newspaper, Le Messager was quite often raided by police and important equipment destroyed or carted away. Paddy Mbawa had to spend a year at the notorious New Bell prison following a complaint from a certain Njie Mandengue Epee. He had to leave Cameroon for safety in neighbouring Nigeria soon after release following information that some people, obviously instigated by top government officials, were preparing lawsuits against him.
Peterkins Manyong, a Bamenda-bases reporter for The Herald newspaper spent four days in detention at what is now known as the central police station. He was arrested along SONAC Street following a complaint from Rex Kodang, Achidi Achu’s legal hangman. Rex Kodang was surely acting on the instructions of Achidi Achu who was angry with The Herald and the reporter for taking up the case of Chiamusoh Emmanuel, his personal video photographer arrested in Yaounde, brought and detained at the Bamenda central prison. Chiamusoh had failed to collaborate in an election rigging plot.
In order to avoid the fate of the above mentioned persons Cameroonian journalists in their vast majority decided to practice self censorship. And rather than the hard stories of previous years, many press organs to play safe and survive, went in for public relations stories. A practice that has continued till date.

Moukoko Mbonjo’s Buffoonery
It is the customs from time immemorial for those in authority to give the impression that they are acting in the public’s interest whereas they are doing so for theirs. Pierre Moukoko Mbonjo, a one time Minister of Communication demonstrated this tendency. The minister whose name appeared in the hit parade of top officials engaged in homosexual activities decided to revive the long buried censorship laws. He sent a bill to parliament on this subject and it was being examined when President Biya intervened and withdrew it. The President knew the havoc that the restoration of this obnoxious practice would cause, on his regime. But Biya had contributed to the Minister’s Tomfoolery without really intending it. Reacting to the publication of L’Anecdote and other French language papers on homosexuality, Biya had blamed these papers for invading people’s privacies. The declaration came as a rude shock to Cameroonians who all know that homosexuality has been criminalized by the penal code. Moukoko Mbonjo emboldened by the President’s statement and not only filed a suit against the newspaper which he claimed defamed him. Not contented with that he proceeded with the obnoxious bill just mentioned, to parliament. Its withdrawal was another milestone in the history of the fight for press freedom. Moukoko Mbonjo was not long after sacked as Communication Minister as a deterrent to anybody who many contemplate restoring censorship.

Bishop Ateba, the Communication Johnnie-Just-Come
When he was appointed to head the National Communication Council most Cameroonians, especially members of the press corps saw in him a Daniel come to judgment. They erroneously thought that being a man of God, he would be the light of truth and encourage initiatives that would enhance effective communication, not stifle it. His decision to revive the Pungent Article 13 of the 1990 Liberty Law demonstrates his weakness of will and readiness to lick the boots of those in authority. Obviously to please Issa Tchiroma Bakari, Communication Minister who is in the eye of the storm over the 1995 plane crash affair, Bishop Ateba revived the law which states that all publishers must deposit copies of their publications with the DO or state counsel two hours before circulation. One does not need to be an expert in the art of newspaper circulation in Cameroon to understand that the whole thing is not only unworkable, it is ridiculous. Most newspapers are printed at night or in the evening. The moment the printing is over, the very next thing is to dispatch the papers to their various destinations and they arrive in the morning. The vendors start circulating them immediately. That is about 7a.m. To deposit it with the state counsel means to wait till 8 or even 9am, then wait for two hours before circulation.
The horrible part of it all is the possibility of the state counsel saying the paper is unfit for public consumption because it contains information unsavoury to those in authority. This means that all five thousand copies or more printed would be discarded and the publisher has to begin layout of another newspaper, pay 300.000 again and print a new edition which could again be rejected for the same reason(s) that disqualified the other publication. This is the worst form of censorship ever because it not only prevents the public from getting the information on the newspaper, but throws the publisher completely out of business. That is extremely vicious, it must be emphasized. It were better to say that as was the case in the 90s, the dummy should be deposited at the offices of the DO, SDO or state counsel before publication although that is still a form of censorship.

Censorship as Fetters on the Mind
‘The Unfettered Press’ is a publication every journalist knows or should know. The book does not only focus on the importance of the press functioning freely, but also on the importance of conflict as an indispensable ingredient in journalism. Censorship tries to eliminate or undermine this aspect of conflict. A responsible press should call the government in place to account. The journalist should not become the mouthpiece of the regime in place. In the face of the above role, censorship laws are like fetters on the imagination. Such laws are intended to curb and restrain the freedom of thought in the same manner as bodily movements would be restricted if the ministry of culture were to enact a law stating that all musicians should dance in chains.
It should also be noted that free speech or writing also relives the writer and diffuses tension in the readers. The revolutions that swept away Arab leaders like Ben Ali, Hosni Mubarack and Muammar Gaddafi resulted from the suppression of free speech and writing by these regimes. Biya knew this as soon as he took power and permitted Cameroonians to enjoy liberties which they lacked during the Ahidjo era.  He should not allow overzealous appointees to gag the press. He should know that with the prevailing economic situation in Cameroon, only freedom of expression can prevent an outright rebellion. Sigmund Freud calls the freedom of an individual to air his or her feelings during stress as the ‘Talking Cure’. Let Cameroonians talk. Let them air their grievances through freedom of speech and expression. It is only through this that Biya can avert the kind of revolution that swept Mubarack and others from power. If Marafa has embezzled, let him face justice. The solution is not gagging the press for publishing information about him. Attempts to do so would only make him a hero. What else can he say worse than what he has already said? Biya should not allow his lofty idea of freedom to be thwarted by overzealous appointees and adventurers.

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