Editorial
Dr John Evans Fifii Atta Mills, Ghana’s third President of the Fourth Republic
died on Tuesday July 24, 2012 and his Vice President, Dramani Mahama was
immediately sworn in same day as president to fill the power vacuum, thus
giving room to a smooth transition of power. The swearing in of the Vice
President, Dramani Mahama was in accordance with the Ghanian constitution that
previews in the statutes that in case of death or permanent incapacity of the
ruling president, the Vice President is sworn in to preside over the destiny of
the country. The newly sworn in
president’s tenure will expire at the same time that of the late president,
John Atta Mills was supposed to end. Dramani Mahama was due to run for the
presidency at the end of Atta Mills’ tenure which is the end of this year. John
Atta Mills is the first Ghanian President to die in office. For the past four
years he has been unwell with his death rumoured twice only for him to publicly
re-appear, dispelling the rumours about his death. This partly explains why
when his death was announced on Tuesday, many Ghanians thought it was yet
another spate of rumour until the Vice President, Dramani Mahama was sworn in,
thus confirming that John Atta Mills had actually died. John Atta Mills died at
the age of 68 years. He won international praise as one of the presidents that
presided over a stable model democracy in Africa.
He won presidential elections in 2008 after beating the ruling party candidate
Nana Akufo-Addo. He was sworn in on January 7, 2009. His passing away and the
smooth transition has not only come to confirm that Ghana
is a model democracy in Africa but has given
lessons to other African countries to copy. This is more so as Africa is a
war-torn and coup-prone continent where power hardly changes through free, fair
and transparent elections or smooth transition as has just obtained in Ghana.
What Lessons for Cameroon?
Cameroon
was colonized by different powers but finally gain its independence in 1960.
Since independence Cameroon
has had only two presidents that came to power through what is commonly
referred to in political circles as chance. The first president, Ahmadou Ahidjo
ruled Cameroon
in a one party system for 22 years imposing his personality on the political
scene. He in an unexpected move resigned and smoothly handed power to his Prime
Minister Paul Biya in 1982. Relations between the former and the later hit the
rocks after the April 6, 1984 coup d’etat that was alleged to have been
masterminded by the former head of state, Ahmadou Ahidjo in a bid to regain
political power at the helm of the state. The coup attempt polarized Cameroon and
the ruling president Paul Biya surreptitiously embarked on a mission of
consolidating power. Ahidjo later went on exile and finally died in Senegal still
on exile. His mortal remains are still in Senegal
and the issue of repatriating them to Cameroon for an official burial has
remained very problematic.
Paul Biya acceded to power through the post of Prime
Minister which according to the federal constitution of 1972 that prevailed at
the period placed him as second in command in executive powers. He did not
contest any elections to become president but benefitted from the constitution
that stipulated that in case of vacancy at the helm of the state, the Prime
Minister assumes the duties of the president. The federal constitution was
however mute on the longevity of the interim president, a situation Paul Biya
exploited and went forth to dissolve the ruling CNU party and created the
Cameroon Peoples Democratic Movement, CPDM.
After the coup attempt of April 6, 1984, Paul Biya
suspended the post of Prime Minister and it was only reinstituted in 1991 when
the country was boiling because of the wind of change that ushered in
multiparty politics in Cameroon.
When Paul Biya suspended the post of PM, some political analysts interpreted it
as an attempt by Paul Biya who was already at the helm of withdrawing the
ladder that led to political power in a bid to frustrate any person who nursed
the idea of acceding to power through the Prime Ministerial portfolio. However,
the post of PM was reintroduced but the second in command shifted from the PM
to the President of the National Assembly. However, the constitution of 1996
that was revised in 2008 to permit Paul Biya seek another mandate places the
president of the Senate as second in command in executive powers. In effect the
constitution states that where the office of President of the Republic becomes
vacant as a result of death, resignation or permanent incapacity duly
ascertained by the Constitutional Council, the polls for the election of the
new President of the Republic must be held not less than 20 days and not more
than 120 days after the office becomes vacant. The President of the Senate
shall as of right act as interim President of the Republic until the new
President of the Republic is elected. Where the President of the Senate is
unable to exercise his powers, they shall be exercised by his vice, following
the order of precedence.
No Room For Smooth Transition In Cameroon
It is often
said that experience is the best teacher. Cameroon has not had any transition
of power worth its salt because after Ahidjo handed over power to Paul Biya in
1982, he has held tight the reins of power and Cameroonians have not witnessed
any change of leadership. This makes a possible transition very explosive,
given that the constitution does not spell out who does what after the
declaration of a power vacuum. For instance organizing elections in Cameroon has
always been a headache as the regime complains of lack of adequate funds to
organized elections. The constitution stipulates that after the vacancy at the
presidency elections for a new president should be organized not less than 20
days and not more than 120 days. This is not practicable. And in such a
situation where the vacancy is announced and the president of the Senate
assumes the interim and is unable to organize elections within the stipulated
time, confusion sets in. this is what gives room for the military to step in,
arguing that they are they to protect state institutions. The impracticality of
organizing elections within the stipulated period is even noticed with the
death of Members of Parliament where the law stipulates that by-elections are
supposed to be organized to fill the vacancy. It has never happened and it will
not happen for the presidency.
President Paul Biya has
clocked 80 years and still has 6 years to end his new seven-year mandate. Anything
can happen along the line as death is an unforeseen circumstance. But what
obtains in Cameroon now does
not give room to a smooth transition as it obtained in Ghana. However,
if the Ghanian example is to be emulated, it means whoever is constitutional
ripe for interim should be supported wholeheartedly to avoid any rioting. What
is worrisome is the fact that the Senate is not yet in place so if a vacancy is
declared at the helm of Cameron there will be confusion. Presently it is the
Supreme Court that is acting as the Constitutional Council and the Senate is
not functional.
In other democracies the
incumbent President during presidential elections has a running mate who
automatically becomes the Vice president. In an event where the Presidency is
vacant, the running mate fills the vacancy pending fresh elections to choose a
new leader. This possibility does not exist in Cameroon and each political party
has always had its Presidential candidate for every presidential election.
After each presidential election in Cameroon, the opposition has often
cried foul, though they have never been consensus between them to field one
unique candidate. This makes the situation for any political transition in Cameroon very
volatile as opposition parties each in its right would try position itself to
grab power.
Cameroonians as a
bilingual country should serve as an example to most African countries. Cameroon is revered as a peaceful country and
Paul Biya has often announced that he wants to be remembered as the person who
brought democracy to Cameroon.
Democracy does not have a starting or ending point as it is a continuous
process. Thus the powers that be should put in place legal and legitimate
structures that can permit smooth transition through elections or through any
vacancy as it obtained in Ghana.
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