What Fuel Price Hikes: No Lessons From February 2008 Strike?

Petrol and petroleum products the world over have led to wars and revolutions. The gulf war and other wars and revolutions in the Arab world have been because of the quest by some western powers to control oil fields in the rich petrol producing countries and then determine world prices of such petrol. Be it in crude form, that is brute petrol or in its refined form, that is fuel for immediate consumption, its price determines the prices of other commodities. This is why the least augmentation of the price of fuel has led to strikes in most countries as it affects the cost of living and the standard of living of the population. It is still fresh in the memories of alert citizens the February 2008 riots in Cameroon that nearly paralyzed the entire nation. The February 2008 riots were because of an increase in fuel prices that provoked a negative rippling effect in the prices of other commodities. Next door Nigeria and far off Tunisia went through similar strikes because of the increase in fuel prices leading to the collapse of the regime in Tunisia. Despite the February 2008 strikes, Cameroon apparently appears to have come out of the crises without learning any lessons.

Fuel price hikes are imminent in Cameroon, as the government has embarked on an information campaign mission to prepare public opinion to swallow the bitter pill of fuel price hikes. This is so because it is legendary in Cameroon that when the government intends to take any unpopular move or a decision that might attract some anger and consequent rioting by the population, people’s minds are prepared far in advanced through specialized information slots on the public media. This is usually called testing the water. When the minds of the public is sufficiently prepared, then the government slides in the unpopular move cushioning it with apparent accompanying measures that are nothing short of blindfold of the unsuspecting public. Since last week government has surreptitiously employed the services of CRTV and Cameroon Tribune to prepare public opinion on an imminent fuel price increase. It is even being circulated in high government circles that the move is even belated for it was earmarked to begin in December when SONARA publicly announced that it was going to temporarily shut down its installations for maintenance. Government intended at that moment to use that as an excuse to increase fuel prices, but the prevailing political circumstances did not favour the move as President Paul Biya who won the Presidential elections whose results were being contested by the opposition did not want to take chances. After consolidating national and internationally the victory of the October 2011 Presidential elections, government it is alleged intends to gradually push through fuel price increases and wants first and foremost to prepare public opinion through tele-guided information dissemination on the public media

CRTV And Cameroon Tribune Fire Warning Shots.

On July 17, 2012 the Director of Information at CRTV Television, Charles Ndongo invited panelists to the programme, “Par ici le débat” to discuss on the sustainability of the subvention of petroleum products by the state since four years and whether the state should continue to subsidize the prices of fuel at the filling stations. During the programme a well selected pro-government panelists went beyond human comprehension to explain why government should desist from continuously subsidizing fuel prices for it was a waste of financial resources and unsustainable. Charles Ndongo’s debate came closely on the heels of the Sunday evening programme, “Scènes de presse” where the issue was also discussed at length in a bid to prepare people’s mind on the imminent bomb shell. Cameroon Tribune dedicated full pages in two editions just to push through governments ideas. The services of Grande Reporteurs like Martin Badjang Ba Nken were solicited as he wrote a well researched article to show that government was wasting money in subsidizing fuel prices. He ended his article by appealing to his readers to support the lofty idea of government to cut subsidies on fuel prices, for the projected FCFA 400 billion that was supposed to be used for fuel subvention in 2012 could be used to realize other major projects like the Lom Pangar Dam and the building of health infrastructures.

Government Missions Abroad

Officials of the Ministry of Finance led by Jean Tchoffo, Secretary General of the Ministry of Finance who doubles as the President of the Technical Committee for the follow-up of Economic programmes and Ibrahim Talba Malla, Director General of the Hydrocarbon Price Stabilization Funds, CSPH travelled to Dakar Senegal some months back to learn from the Senegalese experience in handling fuel prices. After the visit, a reflection workshop was organized on June 14-15, 2012 between officials of the Ministry of Finance and Transport to brainstorm on ways of attenuating the negative effects of an eventual withdrawal of subventions on petroleum products. During the workshop Boniface Ze, Technical Director of CSPH gave an exposé that provoked serious debate amongst participants. From his talk, it emerged that government wants to henceforth embark on what he called “Targeted Subvention” which might be structural, fiscal, and administrative or on custom duties. It emerged during the meeting that government intends to embark on special missions abroad to countries that do not subsidize petroleum products to learn from their experiences and then implant those experiences in Cameroon.

Trade Unions Threaten Strikes

Prior to this vast information campaign to prepare public opinion, government had struggled to woo trade unions to buy the idea of a price increase. On May 18, 2012 government invited road transport Trade Unions and leader’s of the Civil Society to a restitution seminar in Djeuga Palace Hotel in Yaounde. It was to evaluate a World Bank studies that demonstrated that there was some gross injustices in the subvention by government of fuel prices at the filling stations, because the subsidies essentially benefited the rich and not the poor. The leaders of the Civil Society and Road Transport Syndicates sensed that it was a camouflaged subterfuge to increase fuel prices at the filling stations.

Meanwhile, trade union leaders that attended the meeting insisted amongst other measures to be taken by government the eradication of TVA for transporters, the putting in place of a unique counter for the payment of all transport documents, and the provision of comfortable secured resting places along the highways for drivers. But other trade leaders who were not part of the meeting with government officials are threatening strike actions if government dare increases fuel prices. They argued that the meeting was only for interurban transporters and truck drivers. They added that in the transport sector, the demands and problems are not the same and one trade union cannot take a binding decision for all other trade unions. They requested that the same kind of reflection should be embarked upon with taxi drivers and bendskin riders. While the issue is raising a lot of dust in the transport sector, it is alleged that the government envisages other missions abroad to further prepare government officials with methods of instituting price increases without causing the wrath of the population.

Taxes Raise Prices At Filling Stations

Many analysts are of the opinion that government has a large margin to solve the problem of fuel hikes at filling stations without necessary increasing prices by withdrawing subventions. They argue that the prices practiced at fuel filling stations are high because of the various taxes government has imposed on petroleum products. For instance it is demonstrated that between the refinery SONARA and the various fuel filling stations nationwide there are numerous taxes that exist. According to prices for March 2011 homologated by CSPH, a litre of super inside  SONARA cost FCFA 335, 27, Kerosene FCFA 380, 62 and gasoil FCFA 372, 08. Paradoxically, immediately these same products cross the gate of SONARA they undergo through numerous tax impositions that increases the prices. There are 22 tax impositions on petroleum products that leave SONARA for the final consumer. FCFA 235,95 tax is imposed on a litre of super and this brings the retail price at the filing stations to FCFA 569. FCFA 350 for kerosene and FCFA 520 for gasoil. Trade Union leaders requested the suppression of some of these taxes as the panacea to avoiding price increases at the filling stations.

Wrong Timing

Government’s decision to increase fuel prices is ill-timed. It is alleged that the government move will go operational in August, a month most parents are battling out with the payment of school fees and the procurement of school needs for their children. Increasing fuel prices at this moment will affect the prices of everything and might provoke anger. Equally the social climate in Cameroon now characterized by arrests, trails and sentencing of some regime bigwigs do not augur well and any misunderstanding can degenerate to something else. The consequences of the February 2008 strikes should not be forgotten, especially as some people were arrested and jailed.

It is worthy to recall that government decided to subsidize petroleum products in 1986 to avoid price hikes and high cost of living. FCFA 1089 billion is estimated to have been consumed as subvention between 2008 and 2012. In 2011 government spent FCFA 323 billion and projections put it at FCFA 400 billion in 2012. Studies by the National Institute of Statistics on households, dubbed ECAM stated that irrespective of the petroleum product consumed, beneficiaries were those of high income and not those with low income. This is what government is using to back the move to withdraw subsidies from petroleum products, yet the pill seems to bitter for the masses to swallow.

CAMCCUL Sails Through Turbulence

The Cameroon Co-operative Credit Union League, an umbrella network that groups affiliated co-operative credit unions and the largest Micro Finance Institution in Cameroon and the CEMAC sub-region is waxing very strong. The network is very much afloat and is bent on fulfilling its mission of offering efficient microfinance services for the growth and economic development of its members, in spite of some turbulent period that has nearly knocked CAMCCUL off its feet. The management of CAMCCUL under the dynamic and proactive leadership of Shey Musa Nfor has been able to tame the raging tides, thus circumventing and navigating through mounted obstacles to successfully pilot the ship of CAMCCUL to safer shores. The 44^th Annual General Meeting of CAMCCUL that held in AZAM Hotel Bamenda on June 30, 2012 marked a serious turning point in the life of CAMCCUL as far reaching resolutions were arrived at. These resolutions are aimed at reforming the functionality of CAMCCUL in a bid to fully prepare the network against prevailing difficult economic circumstances.  Just like gold that can only shine after being properly refined through a burning furnace, so too is CAMCCUL that has come out of its turbulence stronger than before.

CAMCCUL’s Humble Beginnings

It is on records that the credit union idea that is today flourishing in Cameroon was introduced as far back as 1963 in Njinikom, Boyo Division of the North West Region. It was introduced by a Roman Catholic Priest, Rev Father Anthony Jansen when he enrolled 16 members that had a total savings of FCFA 2.100. From these humble beginnings, the idea of the credit union spread like wild fire in the North West and South West Regions of Cameroon. By 1968 there were already 34 credit unions existing in the North West and South West Regions. These credit unions decided to come together to form the Cameroon Co-operative Credit Union League, CAMCCUL, that was registered on June 8, 1968. With the coming into force of Law No. 92/006 of 14^th August 1992 re-organising the cooperative sector in Cameroon, CAMCCUL re-registered its affiliation under the Co-operative law on February 10, 1994. CAMCCUL has also been registered by the Banking Commission of Central Africa, COBAC and today CAMCCUL has 208 affiliated credit unions in the ten regions of Cameroon.

CAMCCUL’s Unbeaten Billboard

It is gradually becoming a truism that success breads jealousy and invites envy. The CAMCCUL network had humble beginnings but is grip in the microfinance sector in the CEMAC sub-region speaks volumes. This success story has come to attract predators and enemies of progress to embark on unorthodox methods to kill the dream of most Cameroonians. There is no gainsaying that CAMCCUL has close to 1.5 million members whose livelihoods depend largely on CAMCCUL. The ability of CAMCCUL to efficiently execute projects and craft reforms that have greatly improved the social and economic development of its members had not met with equal appreciation from some of its detractors. It is no longer news that CAMCCUL has been upbeat about improving its services on a daily basis and has equally executed projects in partnership with international organizations that have raised the standards of livings of its members.

During the celebrations marking CAMCCULs 40^th Anniversary in Bamenda, the then Vice Prime Minister, Minister of Agriculture and Rural Development, Jean Kuete who was in attendance showered praises on CAMCCUL for distinguishing itself as the leading microfinance institution that has succeeded in the fight against poverty in Cameroon. Jean Kuete congratulated CAMCCUL for judiciously managing the FIMAC loan scheme that greatly improved on the agricultural output of Cameroonian farmers.

CAMCCUL’s credibility in managing projects and securing the savings of its members is attracting other partners. The Agriculture Finance Support Facility (Agrifin) which is a US-based World Bank program is co-funding a 2 million dollars project of CAMCCUL that seeks to improve on the agribusiness of its members, train staff and board members of CAMCCUL, establish and update agricultural lending documentation and create a system for client satisfaction evaluation amongst others.

The Abakar Ahamat Deadly Blow

Against popular expectation, the then North West Governor Abakar Ahamat issued a radio communiqué on February 3, 2012 banning CAMCCUL and its affiliate from organizing their general AGMs. The communiqué came on the eve of the AGM of BAPCCUL, where the President of CAMCCUL, Shey Nfor Musa doubles as president. The governor’s move was devastating to BAPCCUL as members had travelled from far and near for the meeting and all logistics including food and drinks had been prepared. Panic gripped members and most of them wanted to rush to their various credit unions to withdraw their savings. However, the proactive President of CAMCCUL and BAPCCUL, Shey Nfor Musa shuttled between members and calmed them down. He immediately took measures that resulted in a happy end as the supervisory ministries rushed in to salvage the situation and restore confidence in the minds of members. In spite of the calm, some detractors who were backing the governor and wanted to use him to achieve their selfish aims of destabilizing the credit union network and thus go scot free with their debts decided to change tactics. Their next aim after their waterloo with the governor was to destabilize any CAMCCUL meeting that could take far reaching resolutions that could sanction them. Here equally they met with failure as CAMCCUL sailed through the turbulence.

The Landmark AGM Of June 30

On June 30, 2012 CAMCCUL held its 44^th Annual General Assembly at AZAM Hotel Bamenda. It was a turning point in the life of CAMCCUL as board members arrived at resolutions that are aimed at putting CAMCCUL on the right rails. Amongst many other things the board members decided to meet with other shareholders of Union Bank of Cameroon in a bid to discuss ways of safeguarding its investment as OCEANIC Bank is moving out from the capital of UBC. The board also decided to abide to the COBAC redressment plan. Board members delegated the management to follow up and implement the corrective measures arrived at by COBAC. It was equally decided that all amendments to the articles of association will follow the Model Bye laws concluded on December 3, 2011 in Buea during the extraordinary meeting of CAMCCUL. Thus the decision arrived at on December 3, 2011 were declared binding and enforceable to the entire CAMCCUL network in a non retrospective manner. CAMCCUL management was tasked by the board to compile the ADR policy and transmit to the credit unions for implementation while at the same time liaising with other microfinance stakeholders to lobby government to adopt a special tax code for the sector.

Other far reaching resolutions included the reduction of Risk Management Premium by 20% with effect as from July 1, 2012 and increased the number of beneficiaries to 10 and the reduction of League dues by 30% over a period of three years taking 2011 as the base year. Also CAMCCUL was asked by board members to deduct from fixed deposits of credit unions that are still to pay their shares.

CAMCCUL Envisages Sanctions

During the 44^th board meeting, CAMCCUL decided to create a Think tank Committee answerable to the Board of Directors to cater for the reorganization and restructuring of CAMCCUL as well as reviewing issues of governance compliance, operations, supervision and discipline. It was in this line that the board tasked the CAMCCUL field inspectors to always present a report of their interventions to the Board of Directors of any credit Union in which they have carried out audit exercises instead of just filing their comments in the Visitor’s Book.

While calling on credit unions to as a matter of solidarity assist in reviving the Njinikom Cooperative Credit Union which is the pioneer credit union from collapse, the board members vehemently condemned cats of blackmail, sabotage and the divulging to the public of Network sensitive information by some credit union officials. Severe sanctions were promised promoters of such unscrupulous acts.

Biya’s Comments About Marafa: Its Implication

On June 15, 2012, all eyes and ears of Cameroonians were turned towards Nyabizan, a small locality in the Ntem Valley Division of the South Region where the Head of State, Paul Biya was personally present to lay the foundation stone of the Memve’ele Hydroelectric Power Project. After the crowd pulling ceremony, the Head of State was poised to leave the ceremonial grounds when the media accosted him to appreciate the event. The Head of State said the ceremony was grandiose as the population gave him a warm reception and were happy as the project had a brighter future ahead for them and Cameroonians. On the sidelines, Charles Ndongo, journalist of CRTV, the state run media posed a question that has been variously interpreted as a question that finally broke the ice in what is now considered in Cameroon as the Marafa Affair. He wanted to know whether the Head of State was indifferent to the open letters of Marafa. President Paul Biya calmly responded in the French Language, “La justice est indépendante. On la laissse agir et les resultats qui en sortiront, nous les accepterons. D’autre part, je n’ai pas à commenter les commentaires. This roughly translated into the English Language means, “The judiciary is independent. We should allow it act and any verdict that comes out we shall all respect. On the other hand, I do not comment on commentaries”. These comments by Paul Biya have been interpreted differently by the media. Some media organs think that Paul Biya answered Marafa while others think that he refused to answer Marafa.  Which ever way, Paul Biya’s comments about Marafa have underlying meaning and serious implication, given that President Paul Biya over the years has been known to be a man of few words, but few words that have linguistic implications and meaning not easily grasped by many. Paul Biya is a man of his words and hardly utters words that he does not master their implications.

For instance, when he took the reins of power, he tagged his reign on rigour and moralisation. Nobody took him seriously then, but he has remained steadfast to these principles over the years and most of his collaborators have been caught pants down. Before the economic crises hit Cameroon, Paul Biya asked Cameroonians to fold their sleeves and embark on agriculture as the only means to mitigate the effects of the economic crises. Most of his compatriots did not again take him seriously, yet agriculture remained the only solution that bailed Cameroon out of the economic crises. Before the advent of multiparty politics, Paul Biya told militants of the CPDM to be prepared for competition, and again most disregarded his forewarnings to the point of marching on the streets to pre-empt multiparty politics, and it came to sweep most of them off their feet. This is a clear indication that Paul Biya measures his words and his words are always pregnant with meaning and implications.

Implication Of Paul Biya’s Comments On Marafa

The famous Operation Epervier(Operation Sparrow Hawk) that has for the past years picked up high profile Cameroonians for embezzlement entered the third phase on April 16, 2012 when Chief Thomas Ephraim Inoni, former Prime Minister and Marafa Hamidou Yaya, former Secretary General at the Presidency, former Minister of State, Minister of Territorial Administration and Decentralization, MINATD, were picked up and thrown into the Kondengui Central Prison on charges of embezzlement of funds destined for the purchase of a presidential aircraft. Their arrest was unprecedented due to the fact that though dropped from the government, they still went about their normal activities unperturbed by police or investigators. It came at the heels of recent pronouncements by President Paul Biya during the Third Ordinary Congress of the CPDM where he declared that the fight against corruption was going to intensify and will not spare anybody irrespective of his status, tribal or political leaning. Paul Biya reiterated this warning during campaigns for the October 9 Presidential Election. Thus the arrest of Inoni and Marafa was like translating words into action in the drive towards purging Cameroon of corruption and embezzlement of public funds. What was surprising to many Cameroonians was the speed at which Inoni and Marafa were arrested, indicating that the Head of State meant business in the fight against corruption. Their first summons to appear in front of the Investigating Magistrate ended with their arrest, sending shock waves down the spines of their supporters and panic amongst other cabinet ministers that were still in government or had been dropped from government.

It is on record that most of those arrested on charges of embezzlement who were close collaborators of the Head of State, or who thought they were untouchables because of their tribal or filial relationship with the Head of State started by refusing to collaborate with investigators and the judiciary, arguing that they would only speak if the Head of State was on the know that they were being investigated or arrested. After waiting in vain for a word from the Head of State, most of them accepted their fate and decided to face the music of the judiciary. Others once arrested decided to remain silent and quietly meditate their crimes in preventive detention or quietly serve their prison terms after being found guilty of the charges levied against them. Yet others have been known to become agitators in prison, writing books, letters to the Head of State or ranting about their detention. However, the case of Marafa Hamidou Yaya stands out clear, due to the number of open letters he has written to the Head of State and the amount of state secrets that he was privy to that he has put at the market place of ideas. Actually Marafa’s open letters have become the topic of discussions and debates in the media and public life in Cameroon.

Since Marafa fired his first salvo at the Head of State in his first open letter, most Cameroonians thought the Head of State was going to respond. He remained silent and unperturbed and Marafa kept on churning out letters from his prison cells until he was transferred to SED. Some close collaborators of President Paul Biya tried to answer Marafa but the Head of State remained silent. Some Cameroonians were quick to point to the Head of State’s silence as acceptance of the accusations on him by Marafa in the open letters.

Paul Biya broke the silence on June 15, 2012 and completely debunked the Marafa’s letters with few words, saying that they are mere commentaries and he does not comment on commentaries. The implication is that as far as Paul Biya is concerned, the Marafa’s letters that are making headline news to some Cameroonians are inconsequential. Calling them mere commentaries, Paul Biya implies that the letters have no substance and do not address pertinent issues, thus do not require any answer.  But the most important comment of the Head of State is the fact that the judiciary is independent. Paul Biya is known to be a legalist. If he has not answered Marafa so far it is perhaps partly because he considers Marafa’s letters inconsequential and partly because he as a legalist is aware that when an issue is in the hands of the judiciary all comments about the issue should be avoided. Paul Biya went ahead to indicate that the verdict of the judiciary will be respected by all. It implies that if Marafa and the others that have been arrested on charges of embezzlement are found not guilty by the independent judiciary, they will be released and he the Head of State will respect the verdict. The statement that the judiciary is independent and its verdict would be respected by all should be comforting to those who might have been erroneously arrested and to those who have justifications to prove their innocence. It comes to prove Paul Biya as a state’s man with magnanimity and the zeal to see justice prevail irrespective of who is concerned. It is equally a pointer to other collaborators of the Head of State that nobody is untouchable, because despite the impression given by Marafa in his open letters that he was closest to the Head of State, he is today in the hands of justice and the Head of State cannot intervene to free him.

J.J Ndoudoumou, J.Tabi Manga, Samuel Lifanda, Iya Mohamed, Bruno Bekolo… Sanctions: Right Path To Anti Graft Fight

The long and interesting history of the fight against corruption in Cameroon has taken a new twist. Instead of arresting culprits of embezzlement and throwing them in jail without recovering the stolen funds, government has adapted a new method of forcing those found guilty of financial mismanagement to immediately cough out the money. This move was further institutionalized and legalized by the creation of Administrative Tribunals in all the Regions and the creation of the Special Criminal Court for the trial of white collar robbers and the recovery of what they have unduly stolen.

The first culprits amongst so many others to face the new music include, Jean Jacques Ndoudoumou, Director General of the Public Contracts Regulatory Board, ARMP that has been found guilty of financial mismanagement and asked to pay FCFA 64 million just like Jean Tabi Manga, Rector of University of Yaounde II Soa who has to pay FCFA 63 million while his Dean of the Faculty of Political Sciences, Emmanuel Bokalli has to pay above CFA 162,671,100 being money he mismanaged between 2006 and 2009. Equally, the former Government Delegate to the Limbe City Council, Samuel Lifanda is to reimburse the sum of more than FCFA 165 million to the Limbe City Council just like some of his closest collaborators that have to regurgitate sums they either swallowed willingly or caused others to swallow. On the firing lines are Iya Mohamed of SODECOTON, Bruno Bekolo, Rector University of Douala, and Humphrey Ekema Monono, Registrar of the Cameroon GCE that have to appear in front of the Budgetary and Financial Disciplinary Council. The verdict of the Budgetary and Financial Disciplinary Council has fallen as a bomb and Cameroonians have applauded the decisions arguing that it is the right path to the anti-graft fight. The Budgetary and Financial Disciplinary Council is an inter-ministerial organ chaired by Henri Eyebe Ayissi, Minister Delegate at the Presidency in charge of Supreme State Audit. Its decisions were made public on Monday June 11 and Wednesday June 13, 2012 indicting some state functionaries and inviting others to face the organ in the days ahead. The Budgetary and Financial Disciplinary Council is an inter-ministerial structure with members from the Presidency of the Republic, the Ministries of Finance, Justice, Public Service and Administrative Reforms, and the Ministry of Territorial Administration and Decentralisation. These sanctions emanate from scrupulous work done by members of the structure that has held four sessions between April 15 and June 11, 2012 and has come out with a final decision that has condemned and imputed sanctions on some public vote holders for mismanagement and financial impropriety.

It is worthy to recall that when the opposition political parties started crying foul in the early 90s that some Cameroonians entrusted with the public purse were dipping their hands too deep into the public purse and confusing between their private pockets and public pockets, the powers that be asked for proofs. And it came to pass that the SDF MPs in parliament pointed at the proofs and the Mounchipou gate kick-started what was going to be a long and sustained effort by government to fight corruption and embezzlement of public funds. A National Anti Corruption Observatory was created and placed under the Prime Minister. Yet corruption accentuated despite the fact that some government ministers and General Managers of public and para-public structures were indicted for corruption and thrown into prison.

The Head of State, President Paul Biya took the bull by the horns and signed a Presidential Decree o Saturday, March 11, 2006, creating a National Anti-Corruption Commission, NAC, with him at the helm. Members were appointed in March 2007. NAC that was thus created replaced the National Anti-Corruption Observatory, hitherto headed by the Prime Minister that had its tentacles in all ministerial departments. NAC was given independence and mission and responsibility of fighting against corruption.

NAC held seminars and partnered with numerous Civil Society Organizations, associations, churches and traditional leaders in a bid to kick out corruption in Cameroon. It even paid missions abroad and curried foreign support to fight corruption. For instance in 2010 NAC received and treated 723 cases of corruption, 132 cases of embezzlement of public funds and property, 41 cases of the violation of the dispositions governing public contracts, 38 cases of interest in an act, 21 cases of favouritsim, 15 cases of misappropriation of public funds, 27 cases of influence peddling, 13 cases of abuse of function, 5 cases of conflict of interest, 4 cases of unjustified enrichment and 1 case of participation in an act.

However, NAC remained at the level of denunciation and no concrete action was taken. Those accused of embezzlement were thrown in jail without the funds being recovered. The Head of State even recruited foreign expertise to recover the embezzled funds. Yet the VIP criminals were enjoying the money in prison at the expense of Cameroonians.

According to Marc Mendouga Alima, the Secretary of the Disciplinary Council, the state is interested in recovering the money lost. This is when it is realized that the vote holder caused a prejudice that caused the state to incur a loss in monetary terms or services. He adds that when the Disciplinary Council has to investigate any ministerial department or government structure, or even a local collectivity, a representative of that structure is co-opted into the board to defend the interest of that institution or ministerial department. There is also an inter-ministerial organ charged with professional discipline that has its headquarters in the Ministry of Public Service and Administrative Reforms.

Embezzlement is punished by the penal code as public funds are used for personal ends, while mismanagement is when a vote holder causes a prejudice by using the credits allocated for a project for another project that might not have any bearing with what the credits were destined for contrary to the law of 1974.

However, he added that mismanagement can amount into a crime if the vote holder deliberately institutes procedures that are not found in texts. For instance he said, a vote holder can institute a bonus of 100% that the texts do not prevue, and then collects 80% of that bonus or advantage. That amounts to embezzlement and not simple mismanagement, he added. He said the interest of the State was to recuperate money it has lost through her own means. It is still administrative not yet judiciary. People not satisfied can proof their innocence in front of an administrative judge, but this is done only after the State has already collected the money. The SG reiterated that the decisions apply immediately. Salary and property can be seized by sheriff/bailiffs for the state to recuperate the money. A mixed commission of DGSN, MINATD, MINFI, CONSUPE has been put in place to immediately recover the money. If after seizure the administrative judge states that the person is not guilty the state reimburses.

There is no gainsay that the decision of the Budgetary and Financial Disciplinary Council has sent hot sweat running down the spines of many public administrator as nobody knows for sure who next will face the music. The public has applauded the decision because instead of throwing people in jail while they still starch in foreign accounts what they have stolen makes no sense. It becomes more evident that many public managers are afraid of the unknown given that the Budgetary and Financial Disciplinary Council intends to shine its searchlight into the darkest cupboards and bring out all cases of financial impropriety. Chances are that even some death people may be found guilty and asked to repay, in which cases their properties may be seized and auction to recover what they embezzled.

What is making news is that those caught in the corruption trap are those who are normally supposed to serve as examples in the fight against corruption. Since there are only 100 days, the thief may have 99 days but the one day left for the owner is the great day of reckoning for the thief. Their names are being read over the radios and carried on newspapers pages. What a way to study in the castle and graduate in the toilet.